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​​Libya: Racism and ‘resettlement’ conspiracies fuel fear among Tripoli’s migrants

A surge in anti‑migrant protest is reshaping life for Sub‑Saharan people already living in precarious conditions
Libyans outside the International Organization for Migration in Tripoli demand action against irregular migrants and refugees, on 16 June 2026 (Mahmud Turkia/AFP)
Driss Rejichi

1 October was supposed to be the “deadline” for foreign migrants in Tripoli. In the weeks leading up to it, dozens of groups and pages on social media urged Libyans to take to the streets in openly xenophobic protests.

Featuring racist slurs and depictions of Sub-Saharan, Arab and Asian migrants, the widely shared Facebook posts were intimidating.

The migrant rights group Refugees in Libya even reported receiving a handwritten threat targeting “black people”, delivered with a bullet, days before the planned protest.

Eventually, the demonstrations barely materialised, overshadowed by a large teachers’ strike over unpaid salaries directed at Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, head of the Government of National Unity (GNU), which rules the west of the divided country.

Still, dozens of protesters took to the streets in Tripoli on 2 and 9 October, rallying in Martyrs’ Square and chanting “Libya for Libyans” and “No to resettlement”.

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Similar demonstrations have taken place several times a month in central Tripoli since April, steadily fuelling hostility towards migrants.

With nearly 700,000 Sub-Saharan Africans living in the Tripoli area, including some 335,000 Sudanese refugees fleeing the war, the Libyan capital has become a major hub for migrants seeking to reach Europe.

Between January and August, Libya was the departure point for around 80 percent of the 19,000 migrants who reached Italy through the Mediterranean. More than 90 percent of departures occurred from western Libya, particularly the coastline between Tripoli and Zuwara, long known as a major launch point for boats.

Attacks on migrant aid agencies

Already exposed to smuggling networks, arbitrary detention, kidnapping, torture and slavery – “systematic human rights violations and abuses”, according to the UN – as well as violent interception at sea, migrants now face growing threats in their homes and workplaces.

“I feel that Libyans are increasingly allowed to do whatever they want to us, without obligation to abide by the law,” Albert G, a 37-year-old Sierra Leonean living in eastern Tripoli, told Middle East Eye.

“Not only will torture and imprisonment continue to be a reality for migrants, which is already a well-known problem, but it also adds more common difficulties when there is no way for us to enter the public places or look for work to survive.”

‘I feel that Libyans are increasingly allowed to do whatever they want to us, without obligation to abide by the law’

– Albert, Sierra Leonean migrant

Albert says hostility began rising with the first protests in spring and became genuinely frightening at the start of summer.

In June, large crowds of Libyans protested for the first time against what they called a “resettlement plan”, allegedly orchestrated by the United Nations to prevent migrants from leaving the country.

Despite firm denials from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), hundreds of protesters blocked the UNHCR headquarters in Tripoli on 4 June, accusing international agencies of trying to alter Libya’s demographics.

The protests were accompanied by anti‑migrant violence and waves of arrests of Sub-Saharans by the police and armed factions aligned with the interior ministry across several western Libyan cities, prompting many Sub‑Saharan people to remain indoors for days.

Although the unrest subsided during the summer, small gatherings and sporadic incidents continued.

On 7 September, tensions escalated when a group of Libyans stormed an IOM Migrants' Response Centre in western Tripoli. No casualties were reported, but the attack deeply unsettled the Sub‑Saharan community.

“If the authorities can allow an IOM camp to be attacked, many lives will be impacted because there will be no safe place for migrants,” Albert said.

Authorities accused of ‘complacency’

Following the incident, the GNU stated that “the right to peaceful protest can never justify assault, vandalism or threats to life”, warning that perpetrators could face legal action.

Asked by MEE about steps taken since the attack, the interior ministry failed to respond.

Meanwhile, popular Facebook and X pages created in spring remain active, spreading hate speech and promoting calls for mobilisation. Groups such as “Libyan News – No to the Resettlement In Libya” (76,000 members) and “The Tripoli Activists Movement” (39,000 members) continue to share hateful content targeting migrants daily.

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The degree of coordination behind the movement and its origin remain unclear. A BBC investigation in August found that the June protests were fuelled by online rumours.

On the ground, public figures such as lawyer Thuraya al-Tuwaibi and journalist Salma al‑Shaab have repeatedly led protests – which they call "peaceful" – reinforcing their momentum.

“These campaigns are still ongoing, even though they are based on false and misleading information,” Ahmed Hamza, a Libyan human rights activist, told MEE.

“The actions of those advocating for or coordinating this criminal movement constitute criminal acts punishable under the Libyan Penal Code,” he added.

Hamza pointed to “a state of complacency, complicity, and suspicious silence from the interior ministry and other authorities”.

Migrants echo this sentiment, saying that while the GNU allows them to live and work in Libya – and sometimes even employs them – it has never guaranteed their safety in Tripoli.

‘I have never felt safe in Libya’

Kingsley (pseudonym), a Cameroonian refugee who has lived in Tripoli for four years, told MEE he has “never felt safe in Libya”.

Arrested twice by security forces in 2024 and 2025, the young man says he was released only after paying money to what he describes as his “kidnappers”. Beyond criminal gangs, armed groups affiliated with state institutions have been repeatedly accused of holding civilians to ransom.

“Now, I see the vast majority of Libyans as a threat,” Kingsley said.

‘Now, I see the vast majority of Libyans as a threat’

– Kingsley, Cameroonian refugee

While Sub‑Saharan Africans remain the main targets of online hate campaigns, some posts also target Palestinian, Syrian and Bangladeshi communities – particularly present in eastern Libya but increasingly visible in Tripoli.

Migrants also report more frequent violations of their rights and disrespect from locals amid the hostile climate, even when incidents are not directly linked to the anti‑resettlement movement.

“Last week, I worked at a construction site for two days and received no money. I had to go home on an empty stomach,” Albert said.

New protest dates have not been announced yet, but tensions around the anti‑resettlement movement continue to simmer, raising concerns that the situation could worsen.

“Authorities must assume their responsibilities. Matters could escalate and get out of control,” Hamza warned.

So far, the hostile climate has not prompted large numbers of migrants to leave Tripoli, but some are considering it. The IOM operates voluntary return programmes that assisted around 16,000 migrants in 2025, while the Libyan authorities deported more than 37,000 last year.

“Even if the situation is terrible there too, I would rather be in Tunisia, or Algeria,” Albert said. “I don’t know what the coming months have in store for us here.”

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